REINTERPRETING ANCIENT SACRED SPACE
Place, Phenomenology, and Making in Tulum, Mexico's Cenotes
Sacred spaces hold meaning relative to a particular place and people. Civilizations over the history of time have designated sacrality to certain places, landscapes, and even artifacts, and it is vital that they are preserved even as their purpose and memory fade. This research investigates ancient sacred space in Tulum, México, their inherent value to the Maya Civilization, and the ritual activities that took place in these underground cavities called cenotes. Their current underutilization as sacred space and overutilization as social media meccas poses the challenge of how to memorialize and occupy these important cultural landscapes in a world where they currently appear as merely an Instagram backdrop. By analyzing ancient Maya culture and practices, surveying other sacred spaces, and implementing theories of phenomenology, this projects takes a holistic approach to how to appropriately occupy and observe these sacred cenotes by both the indigenous Maya as well as the tourists in a way that adds cultural meaning and memory to their existence. This relationship between our bodies in space is further explored through architectural intervention and the natural landscape. More broadly, this research investigates strategies for working with natural sacred spaces that are in peril from human interference.
6,000 cenotes
in the Yucatan Peninsula
6 mil Maya
living in Modern Day Mexico
35 mil visitors
to Tulum in 2021
Reinterpreting Ancient Sacred Space: Place, Phenomenology, and Making in Tulum, Mexico
PREFACE +
INTRODUCTION
As humans seek to understand their place in the world, one must consider the place in which they dwell. Existence does not arise from mere illusion; it is the combination of many existing and pre-existing factors of their environments and experience. This holistic approach acknowledges place, time and relevance within its given context. Such sensitivity towards context offers a better approach to design, analyzing how a place came to be. Place acts as a backdrop to our very existence, and no matter how many influences may attempt to change a place’s dynamic over time, the genius loci remains. Contemporary places may attract newcomers for a variety of reasons, and these newcomers play a role in shaping the future. It is vital, however, that these changes happen in response to the wants and needs of the place, and not through superimposed notions of what it should be. The preservation of place must be in equilibrium with its prosperity. This is where the problem begins.
One of Mexico’s hidden gems, Tulum is an ancient Mayan city located on the Caribbean coast of the Yucatan Peninsula. Occupied as early as 1200AD, Tulum remained a thriving sea and land port for nearly 300 years. Coined “Tulum” by explorers John L. Stephens and Frederick Catherwood during their travels through the Yucatan in 1841, the name was translated from Yucatec to mean “wall”, referring to its stone fortress. Although Tulum’s massive coral reef and rocky cliffs offered some natural defense against rival tribes and partly to the conquistadors, this pre-Columbian city was the only walled city in the Mayan Civilization with a large stone fortress on its Northern, Western and Southern borders. Tulum’s prime location on the sea meant that it participated in maritime trade, acting as a threshold between land and sea commerce. Also referred to as “Zama”, Tulum was known as the land of the rising sun for the Mayans, symbolic to their ritualized lives. Mostly an agrarian society, the fertile land outside the stone fortress was perfect for growing maize. Yet, this water-intensive crop was still volatile to weather patterns. Unique to the Mayan Civilization, it is one of the only to have not existed alongside a river or major freshwater resource. Instead, the Maya relied on the grace of their rain God, Chak, who was thought to reside in the underworld where rainwater is gathered in natural deep water wells, made of eroded limestone, called cenotes. These eerie but beautiful caverns are some of approximately six thousand in the Yucatan region, and many have yet to be discovered (Kuhlman, Brumels, Gates, Schwartz, & Gara, 2015). Cenotes are perhaps one of the lesser known yet highly significant aspects of Mayan life, as these natural wonders played a major role in their spiritual lives and their longevity as a civilization. Mayans ritualized these underground sinkholes, performing human sacrifice and shattering handmade pottery as an offering to appease the higher power and yield good fortune. These cenotes and the ritual activities that took place in them reinforce the idea that they served as sacred space for the Maya, offering insight into their very values and beliefs (Turner, Abrahams, & Harris, 1969).
Once a remote backpacking city with only Mayan ruins in Mexico’s Quintana Roo region, of the Yucatan Peninsula, Tulum has exploded over recent years, becoming a hotspot for social media influencers and those seeking a transient bohemian escape. Marketing ecotourism, spiritual retreats, and a unique party scene, Tulum offers a variety of experiences. Pristine beaches, whimsical architecture, jungle house music, and extravagant cuisine and cocktails, Tulum has become a Gringo’s paradise, touting escapism and a bohemian spirit for those affluent enough to travel there. This influx of people over the years to this remote region has resulted in the rapid development of Tulum, and Tulum’s infrastructure is desperate to keep up (Marin, 2007, p. 57). Lacking a proper transportation hub such as an airport, travelers and locals must rely on automobile transportation to reach its shores. This holds contradictory to the sustainable oasis that it boasts. The quandary doesn’t stop there either as Tulum’s eco-resorts actively greenwash much of its appeal, falsely advertising a sustainable practices and lifestyle (Morgan, 2019, p. 13). Overzealous developers are destroying much of the surrounding rainforests and failing to build proper infrastructure to support this kind of expeditious expansion, contaminating the very attractions that make Tulum the place that it is: the cenotes (Jackson, 2021).
Tulum’s only precious water source, the cenotes are in peril of dying. Improper sanitation infrastructure means that human waste is being dumped directly into the ecosystem, passing the torch of responsibility to Mother Nature herself. The oceans, the mangroves swamps, and the underground river are all being contaminated. These poor practices are part of a larger vicious cycle. Majority of the resorts lack proper water treatment such as septic tanks, resorting instead illegal wastewater dumping in the jungle. Not only are these practices grotesque, but they have detrimental consequences on the surrounding environment as human fecal matter creeps its way into the region’s drinking and potable water, and hence, the cenotes. A combination of fecal matter and various chemicals has also contributed to coral bleaching of Tulum’s barrier reef off the coast. To make matters worse, ceaseless construction of new condominiums and resorts is destroying mangroves, nature’s natural filtration system and the only barrier remaining between contaminants and the Riviera Maya’s natural resources. Moreover, the cenotes increasing popularity among tourists means that the tourists themselves are directly contributing to their devastation.
Given the historical and cultural significance and the contemporary lure of the cenotes, there needs to be delicate attention paid to balancing the two. The question then becomes: How can the sacred cenotes be occupied in a meaningful way that commemorates their cultural significance while serving the desires of tourists? In order to preserve the memory of them in the eyes of the Maya as well as carefully utilize them for the demands of modern society, this research will attempt a holistic approach to capturing and analyzing place and experiencing sacred space as a means to inform an overall idea of making and memorializing the cenotes. Tulum makes for an interesting condition for research given its Mayan roots, colonial past, and the current acceleration of development. By understanding Maya culture and documenting various experienced phenomena, Tulum's essence reveals itself, acting as a guide for architectural intervention within its appropriate context. Capturing experience in such a way does not tell the story in its entirety, however, this paper will attempt to document and translate the lived experience and spirit of place through a series of photographs, poems, and made artifacts which allow for the architecturalization of impending themes. Throughout this process, documentation, ritual, and collection will be vital in forming ideas and interpretations. This research will attempt to summarize ideas about place, phenomenology, and making with the intention of creating an architectural artifact within these sacred spaces that preserve memory and embodies the spirit of place in a rapidly developing Tulum.
Once a remote backpacking city with only Mayan ruins in Mexico’s Quintana Roo region, of the Yucatan Peninsula, Tulum has exploded over recent years, becoming a hotspot for social media influencers and those seeking a transient bohemian escape. Marketing ecotourism, spiritual retreats, and a unique party scene, Tulum offers a variety of experiences. Pristine beaches, whimsical architecture, jungle house music, and extravagant cuisine and cocktails, Tulum has become a Gringo’s paradise, touting escapism and a bohemian spirit for those affluent enough to travel there. This influx of people over the years to this remote region has resulted in the rapid development of Tulum, and Tulum’s infrastructure is desperate to keep up (Marin, 2007, p. 57). Lacking a proper transportation hub such as an airport, travelers and locals must rely on automobile transportation to reach its shores. This holds contradictory to the sustainable oasis that it boasts. The quandary doesn’t stop there either as Tulum’s eco-resorts actively greenwash much of its appeal, falsely advertising a sustainable practices and lifestyle (Morgan, 2019, p. 13). Overzealous developers are destroying much of the surrounding rainforests and failing to build proper infrastructure to support this kind of expeditious expansion, contaminating the very attractions that make Tulum the place that it is: the cenotes (Jackson, 2021).
Tulum’s only precious water source, the cenotes are in peril of dying. Improper sanitation infrastructure means that human waste is being dumped directly into the ecosystem, passing the torch of responsibility to Mother Nature herself. The oceans, the mangroves swamps, and the underground river are all being contaminated. These poor practices are part of a larger vicious cycle. Majority of the resorts lack proper water treatment such as septic tanks, resorting instead illegal wastewater dumping in the jungle. Not only are these practices grotesque, but they have detrimental consequences on the surrounding environment as human fecal matter creeps its way into the region’s drinking and potable water, and hence, the cenotes. A combination of fecal matter and various chemicals has also contributed to coral bleaching of Tulum’s barrier reef off the coast. To make matters worse, ceaseless construction of new condominiums and resorts is destroying mangroves, nature’s natural filtration system and the only barrier remaining between contaminants and the Riviera Maya’s natural resources. Moreover, the cenotes increasing popularity among tourists means that the tourists themselves are directly contributing to their devastation.
Given the historical and cultural significance and the contemporary lure of the cenotes, there needs to be delicate attention paid to balancing the two. The question then becomes: How can the sacred cenotes be occupied in a meaningful way that commemorates their cultural significance while serving the desires of tourists? In order to preserve the memory of them in the eyes of the Maya as well as carefully utilize them for the demands of modern society, this research will attempt a holistic approach to capturing and analyzing place and experiencing sacred space as a means to inform an overall idea of making and memorializing the cenotes. Tulum makes for an interesting condition for research given its Mayan roots, colonial past, and the current acceleration of development. By understanding Maya culture and documenting various experienced phenomena, Tulum's essence reveals itself, acting as a guide for architectural intervention within its appropriate context. Capturing experience in such a way does not tell the story in its entirety, however, this paper will attempt to document and translate the lived experience and spirit of place through a series of photographs, poems, and made artifacts which allow for the architecturalization of impending themes. Throughout this process, documentation, ritual, and collection will be vital in forming ideas and interpretations. This research will attempt to summarize ideas about place, phenomenology, and making with the intention of creating an architectural artifact within these sacred spaces that preserve memory and embodies the spirit of place in a rapidly developing Tulum.
CONTEXT + CULTURE + CENOTES
PLACE (I)
Architecture often meanders in the realm of place and place-making. Capturing the spirit of place, or genius loci, entails both subjective and objective analysis, leading to a deeper understanding of the place itself. The place inherently holds its essence, giving purpose to the place-making. But to make architecture involves both the analysis of place and the physical act of making. Making then becomes a reflection of the place, observed and documented, carrying the architectural concept to its conception. This made artifact should then embody the place as well as the human experience, interpreting stimuli while forming impactful architecture, full of ephemerality.
The place of inquiry, along with the people and systems that inhabit it, hold meaning in the broader context of our existence. Furthermore, our existence is grounded in place and that place’s phenomena. Christian Norberg-Schulz, renowned architect and architectural theorist summarizes the importance of place best when he explains, “A concrete term for environment is place. It is common usage to say that acts and occurrences take place. In fact, it is meaningless to image any happening without reference to a locality. Place is evidently an integral part of existence,” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 6). It is true, without place, there is no frame of reference for daily life, activity, or memory. Architect Bernard Tschumi has a similar take on architectural discourse: it cannot occur without space and event (Tschumi, Spaces and Events, 1975, p. 139). It is not abstract, nor is it mere imagination, but rather a compilation of many distinct factors and things that construct a place and its essence. Place can be composed in different contexts—landscapes, cities, suburbs, natural, man-made, and even ones conceived in the imagination of storytelling. These quantitative aspects imply the inherent structure of place. Structure of place ought to be described in terms of landscape as landscape encompasses many multitudes of scale and structure (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 11). But when one’s existence and place are combined, the phenomenology of place emerges. Phenomenology is simply the philosophy of our lived experience, and being that we are mortal beings, place plays a vital role in grounding that existence. “Grounding” is another important theme: the plane of our existence and the place in which we dwell can be divided and explained by clear concepts of “Earth” and “sky”. Norberg-Schulz summarizes and further resolves famed phenomenology philosopher Martin Heidegger’s ideas on place and existence, denoted simply as our “dwelling” between Earth and Sky:
Its importance however comes out when we add Heidegger’s definition of “dwelling”: “The way in which you are and I am, the way in which we humans are on the earth, is dwelling…”. But “on the earth” already means “under the sky”. He also calls what is between earth and sky the world, and says that “the world is the house where mortals dwell”. In other words, when man is capable of dwelling the world becomes an “inside”. In general, nature forms an extended comprehensive totality, a “place”, which according to local circumstances has a particular identity. (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 10)
To his point, the particular identity of place is what distinguishes it from the next. Our experience of the world forms our perception of place and genius loci. This qualitative approach to place captures the lived experience but also breathes a life of its own. “Character is determined by how things are, and gives out investigation a basis in the concrete phenomena of our everyday life-world. Only in this way we may fully grasp the ‘genius loci’ the ‘spirit of place’,” says Norberg-Schulz (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, pp. 10-11). Understanding a place’s inherent atmosphere implies a dive into how things are and even how things are made. It is only then that the full character of place is revealed and might be re-implemented to create new, or as architect Louis Kahn puts it, what a place “wants to be” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 18). But furthermore, humans have untold influence on shaping this atmosphere through interpretation and intervention. It is that distinct spirit of place that drives travel from afar as humans are intrigued by the narrative and essence of such places (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 18). Of which, is more the reason to preserve a place’s genius loci from influences that are a detriment to its character.
This then applies to the ancient Maya, as the setting for their existence ultimately shaped the way in which they dwelled here on Earth. Their immediate surroundings, resources, and experiences influences their daily lives and beliefs. The place that they existed in was lush and dense, but often unforgiving and brutal. They had to interpret both the place itself and the events that took place in order to give their existence meaning. Perhaps game in the jungle was fruitful, but rainfall and hence their drinking water was not always. Given varying circumstances, the Maya had to draw conclusions for why life was the way it was, mythologizing phenomena as a means of explaining them. In Norberg-Schultz way of understanding, the “structure” of the place (properties of a system of relationships) allows for the interpretation and application of “meaning” to their existence. Deep in the jungle, the stars must’ve been impossible to see through the dense tree canopy, meaning that much of their existence and wonder lay on the ground plane. Hence, the rulers of their existence, or deities, dwelled underneath them. The earth was their universe, and the deities controlled their fate. In such case of cenotes and them being the primary source of drinking water (“structures”), the Maya created “meaning” by devoting certain deities to governing the cenotes and ritualizing these spaces to please them, all of which was imperative to determining the amount of rainwater accumulated in them. Every factor of their environment, or place, influenced the way in which they interpreted various phenomena and their very own existence.
The place of inquiry, along with the people and systems that inhabit it, hold meaning in the broader context of our existence. Furthermore, our existence is grounded in place and that place’s phenomena. Christian Norberg-Schulz, renowned architect and architectural theorist summarizes the importance of place best when he explains, “A concrete term for environment is place. It is common usage to say that acts and occurrences take place. In fact, it is meaningless to image any happening without reference to a locality. Place is evidently an integral part of existence,” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 6). It is true, without place, there is no frame of reference for daily life, activity, or memory. Architect Bernard Tschumi has a similar take on architectural discourse: it cannot occur without space and event (Tschumi, Spaces and Events, 1975, p. 139). It is not abstract, nor is it mere imagination, but rather a compilation of many distinct factors and things that construct a place and its essence. Place can be composed in different contexts—landscapes, cities, suburbs, natural, man-made, and even ones conceived in the imagination of storytelling. These quantitative aspects imply the inherent structure of place. Structure of place ought to be described in terms of landscape as landscape encompasses many multitudes of scale and structure (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 11). But when one’s existence and place are combined, the phenomenology of place emerges. Phenomenology is simply the philosophy of our lived experience, and being that we are mortal beings, place plays a vital role in grounding that existence. “Grounding” is another important theme: the plane of our existence and the place in which we dwell can be divided and explained by clear concepts of “Earth” and “sky”. Norberg-Schulz summarizes and further resolves famed phenomenology philosopher Martin Heidegger’s ideas on place and existence, denoted simply as our “dwelling” between Earth and Sky:
Its importance however comes out when we add Heidegger’s definition of “dwelling”: “The way in which you are and I am, the way in which we humans are on the earth, is dwelling…”. But “on the earth” already means “under the sky”. He also calls what is between earth and sky the world, and says that “the world is the house where mortals dwell”. In other words, when man is capable of dwelling the world becomes an “inside”. In general, nature forms an extended comprehensive totality, a “place”, which according to local circumstances has a particular identity. (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 10)
To his point, the particular identity of place is what distinguishes it from the next. Our experience of the world forms our perception of place and genius loci. This qualitative approach to place captures the lived experience but also breathes a life of its own. “Character is determined by how things are, and gives out investigation a basis in the concrete phenomena of our everyday life-world. Only in this way we may fully grasp the ‘genius loci’ the ‘spirit of place’,” says Norberg-Schulz (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, pp. 10-11). Understanding a place’s inherent atmosphere implies a dive into how things are and even how things are made. It is only then that the full character of place is revealed and might be re-implemented to create new, or as architect Louis Kahn puts it, what a place “wants to be” (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 18). But furthermore, humans have untold influence on shaping this atmosphere through interpretation and intervention. It is that distinct spirit of place that drives travel from afar as humans are intrigued by the narrative and essence of such places (Norberg-Schulz, 1979, p. 18). Of which, is more the reason to preserve a place’s genius loci from influences that are a detriment to its character.
This then applies to the ancient Maya, as the setting for their existence ultimately shaped the way in which they dwelled here on Earth. Their immediate surroundings, resources, and experiences influences their daily lives and beliefs. The place that they existed in was lush and dense, but often unforgiving and brutal. They had to interpret both the place itself and the events that took place in order to give their existence meaning. Perhaps game in the jungle was fruitful, but rainfall and hence their drinking water was not always. Given varying circumstances, the Maya had to draw conclusions for why life was the way it was, mythologizing phenomena as a means of explaining them. In Norberg-Schultz way of understanding, the “structure” of the place (properties of a system of relationships) allows for the interpretation and application of “meaning” to their existence. Deep in the jungle, the stars must’ve been impossible to see through the dense tree canopy, meaning that much of their existence and wonder lay on the ground plane. Hence, the rulers of their existence, or deities, dwelled underneath them. The earth was their universe, and the deities controlled their fate. In such case of cenotes and them being the primary source of drinking water (“structures”), the Maya created “meaning” by devoting certain deities to governing the cenotes and ritualizing these spaces to please them, all of which was imperative to determining the amount of rainwater accumulated in them. Every factor of their environment, or place, influenced the way in which they interpreted various phenomena and their very own existence.
Jenna Renée Ims
M.Arch Candidate
Understanding the Maya Worldview
“Religion was not a matter apart from everyday life but rather one that explained it, undergirded it, enveloped it, and provided an idiom for appropriate behavior”
The ancient Maya have been misunderstood for centuries given the perception of them to be ruthless savages, conducting human sacrifice and engaging in violent warfare. This impression of them fails to uncover the whole story of their existence as one of six of the world’s cradles of civilization. The Maya were much more than blood-thirsty barbarians; they were able to accomplish impressive feats in architecture, astronomy, mathematics, and language. All of this, however, cannot be acknowledged without grasping the Maya worldview. In fact, it is impossible to imagine understanding anything about our perception of them without first understanding their perception of themselves. Deep thinkers, the physical artifacts that the ancient Maya civilization left behind give some insight their spiritual and political lives. Deciphering these messages is no simple task given that those who attempt to uncover their secrets are not their intended audience. Translations are still inferences, and as observers of this ancient civilization, there are limitations to understanding the true Maya experience and perspective (Houston, 1999, p. 49). It is a retrospective approach to analyzing the foundational principles that ruled both their secular and non-secular lives. However, it has been proven time and time again that analyzing a culture’s religious beliefs, practices, and ceremonial spaces is a credible tactic to understanding their worldview (Houston, 1999, p. 43). By analyzing how they viewed their own existence along with who, what, and how they worshipped, one might be able to infer the method to their madness. A combination of their physical environment, social and political structures, and religious convictions all influenced the way in which these ancient peoples built, dwelled, and thought. Taking a systematic approach to understanding their religious devotion and perspective, the underlying relationship of the people and their place will reveal itself.
In an in-depth study of Classic Maya religion, Stephen D. Houston explains that defining such beliefs as religion, in our contemporary understanding of the word, “fails to capture the centrality of belief and practice in the conduct of Classic society” as “religion was not a matter apart from everyday life but rather one that explained it, undergirded it, enveloped it, and provided an idiom for appropriate behavior,” (Houston, 1999, p. 50). These deities possessed powers beyond human control and capability. Any event, including natural forces and changes to their environment, was seen as the doing of the God associated with the event. They were keenly aware of the consequences of such events to their survival, including but not limited to, climatic changes such as droughts. These occurrences might induce rituals for which they would make sacrificial offerings to appease these Earthly Gods. “Both humans and gods held responsibility for maintaining order and balance. Chaos, the opposite of order, led to illness, either social or personal”, Houston states, and unlike the Western perspective of religion, “Acts of both gods and humans were not so much concerned with personal salvation or the attainment of some exquisite level of heaven as they were with the here and now” (Houston, 1999, p. 57). Because of this, it was of the highest importance to appease these Gods as a means to render good fortune on their daily lives. In turn, even the most mundane of tasks could have been considered a sacred act in the eyes of the Maya. Again, it might be a fallacy to assume ritual holds the same historical meaning and significance. As far as the current research is able to conclude, planting maize could be just as sacred of an act as burying their dead (Houston, 1999, p. 50). Because of this, it is essential to focus on the purpose that their beliefs and practices bestowed upon them: it gave their lives meaning and reduced feelings of chaos (Houston, 1999, p. 51).
In an in-depth study of Classic Maya religion, Stephen D. Houston explains that defining such beliefs as religion, in our contemporary understanding of the word, “fails to capture the centrality of belief and practice in the conduct of Classic society” as “religion was not a matter apart from everyday life but rather one that explained it, undergirded it, enveloped it, and provided an idiom for appropriate behavior,” (Houston, 1999, p. 50). These deities possessed powers beyond human control and capability. Any event, including natural forces and changes to their environment, was seen as the doing of the God associated with the event. They were keenly aware of the consequences of such events to their survival, including but not limited to, climatic changes such as droughts. These occurrences might induce rituals for which they would make sacrificial offerings to appease these Earthly Gods. “Both humans and gods held responsibility for maintaining order and balance. Chaos, the opposite of order, led to illness, either social or personal”, Houston states, and unlike the Western perspective of religion, “Acts of both gods and humans were not so much concerned with personal salvation or the attainment of some exquisite level of heaven as they were with the here and now” (Houston, 1999, p. 57). Because of this, it was of the highest importance to appease these Gods as a means to render good fortune on their daily lives. In turn, even the most mundane of tasks could have been considered a sacred act in the eyes of the Maya. Again, it might be a fallacy to assume ritual holds the same historical meaning and significance. As far as the current research is able to conclude, planting maize could be just as sacred of an act as burying their dead (Houston, 1999, p. 50). Because of this, it is essential to focus on the purpose that their beliefs and practices bestowed upon them: it gave their lives meaning and reduced feelings of chaos (Houston, 1999, p. 51).
Figure (1).the Maya hieroglyph for “hill”. (Houston, 1999, p. 52)
“All things on Earth have a sacral nature, and this only reinforces the reason for their highly ritualized and religious lives.”
For the Maya, their physical dwelling on Earth was symbolic to their existence. They saw the Earth and its landscape as the architecture for their Gods, of which dictated supernatural forces and their daily lives. For them, the material and the supernatural were intertwined and could not be separated—nature is God and God is nature. Perhaps it is even controversial to call their Pre-Colombian belief in the supernatural “God” when through further study, it appears as though these deities were the personification of nature and its natural forces (Vail, 2000, p. 125). All things on Earth have a sacral nature, and this only reinforces the reason for their highly ritualized and religious lives. The three religious settings for the Maya, long before their elaborate cities, were mountains and caves, representing a single complex of the sacred Earth (Brady, 2008, p. 80). This concept of personified nature comes alive through the way in which they documented them on temples and told elaborate stories demonstrating the relationship of landscape features and their perception of human communities. James E. Brady best explains this notion by saying, “Rather than three focuses of Maya ritual, there is only one, with temple-pyramids simply being constructed models of the sacred mountain with its cave at the summit” (Brady, 2008, p. 80). The Maya replication of these landscape features infers that the features themselves were undoubtedly the primitive temples of the world.
The Maya personified the Earth, giving it human-like attributes that might be attributed to monism, the theology that reduces phenomena to one divine principle. Illustrated in their hieroglyphs, the belief in the omnipresent nature of their Gods is apparent. By personifying nature and inanimate objects in their written language, they are conveying that the divine is present everywhere in everything. Houston exemplifies this best through the Maya word “wits” whose hieroglyph shows a hill with eyes, a nose, and a mouth being stepped on what appears to be a human foot (Figure 1). Although this relationship is clearly represented in the Maya word for hill, it is also reflected in the way in which they perceive caves and mountains. The Maya word “aktun” translates to caves and stone structures. It is true then that the thing, the word, and the manifestation of its meaning all hold a divine essence. Yet a further exploration into their logo-syllabic language points to the pluralism of their deities. Sacrality of nature, things, and beings must have then been an integral part of the Maya language, and hence, the way they viewed the world.
The Maya personified the Earth, giving it human-like attributes that might be attributed to monism, the theology that reduces phenomena to one divine principle. Illustrated in their hieroglyphs, the belief in the omnipresent nature of their Gods is apparent. By personifying nature and inanimate objects in their written language, they are conveying that the divine is present everywhere in everything. Houston exemplifies this best through the Maya word “wits” whose hieroglyph shows a hill with eyes, a nose, and a mouth being stepped on what appears to be a human foot (Figure 1). Although this relationship is clearly represented in the Maya word for hill, it is also reflected in the way in which they perceive caves and mountains. The Maya word “aktun” translates to caves and stone structures. It is true then that the thing, the word, and the manifestation of its meaning all hold a divine essence. Yet a further exploration into their logo-syllabic language points to the pluralism of their deities. Sacrality of nature, things, and beings must have then been an integral part of the Maya language, and hence, the way they viewed the world.
THE QUESTION
How can the cenotes be occupied in a meaningful way that honors them as sacred space for the Maya
while serving the desires of tourists?
Mapping of Tulum and various identified cenotes. By author.
Placemaking
“Mayan cosmography divides the world into four parts, with a central axis connecting the cosmic levels of the underworld, earth, and heaven.”
Since the Maya were agrarian people, they relied on the land to provide their natural resources for survival, following in suit of the predominant requirement of civilizations: the cultivation of land. In particular, they used an agricultural practice of clearing a plot of land through felling and burning. These clearing, called milpas, allowed for subsistence farming of maize (Andrews, 1975, p. 10). This semi-annual process of clearing and yielding the land meant that the Maya became manipulators of their environment, taking from it plot by plot, what they needed for survival. The thin soil and limestone substratum reciprocated inconsistent outcomes, signaling the need for divine intervention. Yet the fundamentality of these open spaces indicates that they were most likely sacred for these ancient peoples. Although these milpas had no indication of significant architecture, only huts, it became the primordial plaza prototype for which they organized their ceremonial open spaces (Andrews, 1975, p. 10). This assertion is not certain, however, it is possible that such humble beginnings led to the realization of man’s power to dominate nature, and it was up to the Maya to formalize ways to offer it back.
The Mayan built environment, or what we imagine when we think of their cities, is far more complex in nature, yet they all hold consistent elements organized around the principle of an open plaza. One of the many hierarchical orders that the Maya followed, the plaza is first and foremost the foundational space of urban organization, acting as the datum for which all other axis’s and important civic buildings are strung along. Artificially leveled and paved, it serves as the pinnacle for community life, much like the contemporary interpretation of the term today. Plazas served other functions as well, acting as the vial for capturing rainwater and the filtered threshold for reservoirs beneath the paved surface—a necessity during dry season (Andrews, 1975, p. 37). Second was the terrace, a paved and artificial change in elevation, that was often used as a mechanism to contain large portions of earth. Similar to the terrace is the platform, a series of smaller changes in elevation made out of masonry, indicating a higher level of importance to a preceding an architectural element. The courtyard deviates from the previous two as it is “defined solely by the virtue of buildings or walls which surround it” (Andrews, 1975, p. 38). The causeway is categorized as a paved and graded, rising slightly above the ground like a road and edged by a short parapet wall, and these are thought to carry processional functions. The final distinction of Maya open space is the ball court, shaped like a capital I, and bounded by a low wall and a sloping bench. All of these elements precede architecture, yet they are the organizing structures for which Maya urban space is organized.
The Mayan built environment, or what we imagine when we think of their cities, is far more complex in nature, yet they all hold consistent elements organized around the principle of an open plaza. One of the many hierarchical orders that the Maya followed, the plaza is first and foremost the foundational space of urban organization, acting as the datum for which all other axis’s and important civic buildings are strung along. Artificially leveled and paved, it serves as the pinnacle for community life, much like the contemporary interpretation of the term today. Plazas served other functions as well, acting as the vial for capturing rainwater and the filtered threshold for reservoirs beneath the paved surface—a necessity during dry season (Andrews, 1975, p. 37). Second was the terrace, a paved and artificial change in elevation, that was often used as a mechanism to contain large portions of earth. Similar to the terrace is the platform, a series of smaller changes in elevation made out of masonry, indicating a higher level of importance to a preceding an architectural element. The courtyard deviates from the previous two as it is “defined solely by the virtue of buildings or walls which surround it” (Andrews, 1975, p. 38). The causeway is categorized as a paved and graded, rising slightly above the ground like a road and edged by a short parapet wall, and these are thought to carry processional functions. The final distinction of Maya open space is the ball court, shaped like a capital I, and bounded by a low wall and a sloping bench. All of these elements precede architecture, yet they are the organizing structures for which Maya urban space is organized.
Midterm Work
Current progress of design. Cenote Caracol + the adjacent dry cave system.
When analyzing such a site with dense jungle, karst topographic features, and little evidence of human intervention, it is important to create your own sense of scale and measure. What does each line mean? What is the rhythm and ritual procession of the site?
Within these fragmented experiences of landscape, what are the alignments and activities that connect them? Is there a way to connect this idea of the Maya Cosmic Axis through architecture? Is there a narrative that ties all of this together? There is.
"Venus favors the bold". -Ovid
"Venus favors the bold". -Ovid
The Maya tracked Venus' position in the sky for many reasons. Venus' nearly 584 day cycle coordinated with 8 Earth years and the Maya Sacred Calendar. Venus' rise and decent as the Evening and Morning stars gave them omens for growing crops and starting war.
Venus, Chak Ek', and his brother K'in Ahaw, the Sun, were constantly at war with each other for supremacy. Chak Ek' would rise before his brother every morning before getting out-shown. It was then that Chak Ek' would descend into the underworld to plot revenge on his brother before rising again in the opposite sky.
Venus, Chak Ek', and his brother K'in Ahaw, the Sun, were constantly at war with each other for supremacy. Chak Ek' would rise before his brother every morning before getting out-shown. It was then that Chak Ek' would descend into the underworld to plot revenge on his brother before rising again in the opposite sky.
During Chak Ek's absence, the Maya would make offerings and hold ritual ceremonies in the cenotes, trying to appease their God of War.
This architectural intervention immerses the occupant within this story, aligning the setting of the summer solstice sun and the evening star over the sacred cenote and into the underworld. They themselves then descend into their own subterranean realm where a ritual cleanse is required before walking along the processional path and onto the ritual observatory where they can witness various ceremonies and offerings in anticipation of the rise of the morning star in the East.
To Be Continued
I am currently in the process of MRP, and relentlessly uncovering new research/designing the project. The excellent feedback from midterm reviews is still being processed, and therefore, the current work will evolve. This section of the website will be updated as I go.
Credits
Author: Jenna Renée Ims
Chair: John Maze
Co-Chair: Charlie Hailey
Member: Albertus Wang
Jury: Mark McGlothlin + Hui Zou
